MANCHESTER, N.H. — The dramatic results of Monday's Iowa caucuses thrust the presidential contest forward to a state that promises a wildly different battle for its contrarian but deeply political voters.
Among Republicans, the race shifts onto ground dominated by more secular New Englanders after weeks of appeals to Iowa's evangelical voters.
A New Hampshire race that days ago appeared destined to define which of a quartet of establishment Republicans would rise to challenge Donald Trump will most likely offer instead a battle between two young senators, Iowa winner Ted Cruz and third-place finisher Marco Rubio, for that mantle.
In the fight for the Democratic nomination, Hillary Clinton barely escaped a second embarrassment at the hands of an upstart movement candidate, this time Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders.
Now she must fight him on his home turf of New England.
History provides a clear warning for candidates heading to New Hampshire, which often shrugs off Iowa's winners. And the race is often decided by the state's undeclared voters, the designation here for those not choosing either party.
More than 4 in 10 voters in New Hampshire are undeclared and can decide up to primary day on Tuesday in which of the party primaries they will vote. That will give a boggling breadth to the get-out-the-vote efforts in New Hampshire by all the campaigns.
In 2008 and 2012, former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee and former Sen. Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania won the Iowa Republican caucuses with heavy support from evangelicals.
Both then arrived in New Hampshire lacking a strong organization, lost the state and failed to win the GOP nomination.
Now begins a weeklong GOP push that in many ways will be entirely different from Iowa because New Hampshire's voters reflect another side of the Republican Party. They are socially moderate and fiscally frugal.
New Hampshire is dangerous territory for Clinton politically. She will reinhabit the underdog role that she used to great effect in her come from-behind primary victory here over Barack Obama in 2008.
Clinton can take some comfort in the fact that New Hampshire's Democratic primary voters are less liberal than those who caucused for the party in Iowa.
In addition, New Hampshire has demonstrated support for Clinton and her husband when they have suffered political setbacks in the past.
Trump and Sanders open the fight for New Hampshire with leads of at least 20 points over their challengers in recent state polls.
But in Trump's case, his idiosyncratic campaign failed to live up to his Iowa poll numbers. His failure to get many of his supporters to actually caucus for him gives his opponents in New Hampshire an opening.
A poll released Sunday had Cruz and Rubio tied in low double digits here — but that was before the whoosh of momentum that each hopes will accompany him northeast.
Cruz, with his win, heads to New Hampshire as the candidate laying the biggest claim to the state party's religious wing. But evangelical voters make up half of Iowa voters, and only about 1 in 5 in New Hampshire.
Rubio, whose third-place finish was just as surprising, probably will gain far more attention than the other establishment candidates. Rubio's Iowa placement could mean more bad news in New Hampshire for former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, Ohio Gov. John Kasich and New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, all of whom had roughly the same level of support as Rubio before the caucuses.
Yet Rubio's attempt to consolidate New Hampshire's substantial GOP establishment vote will be complicated by the blizzard of negative ads aimed at him here over recent weeks.
But the same feuding probably will prevent any of the other candidates from leapfrogging over Rubio as well.
"I think Rubio will get what he needed out of Iowa, which is to come into New Hampshire as one of the stories," said Dante Scala, associate professor of political science at the University of New Hampshire. "Cruz's win in Iowa is obviously important for him going forward, but I don't think it will do a lot for him in New Hampshire except to win over very conservative voters. But there just aren't that many of them."
Trump, Scala noted, will come back to New Hampshire "for the first time having lost," which pierces his claim of inevitability: "He's certainly got a large lead, but I think he's got to be looking over his shoulder."
The results Monday suggested that without a reversal on the ground in the next week in New Hampshire, the race for the Democratic nomination is destined to be a far longer one than Clinton's team once surmised.
She retains more power the longer the race goes on, however, barring an utter collapse.
After the overwhelmingly white first two states, the campaign will move into Nevada and South Carolina, where Clinton's strong support among Latinos and African-Americans has given her a big advantage. Those groups also are significant in other states later in the spring.
Even after his strong showing in Iowa and the expectations for New Hampshire, Sanders' challenge remains what it has always been: to expand his movement campaign beyond the young and financially extended voters who have formed his base.
For now, the candidates will converge on New Hampshire, both sides fighting it out and all of the candidates, the victors and the vanquished, expressing the optimism attendant to their profession.
Bush, whose father's 1988 campaign was salvaged in New Hampshire after he finished a dismal third place in the Iowa caucuses, spoke in Manchester Monday night as the voting in Iowa was about to begin.
"You all have a chance to make a huge difference in this election," he said. "You're from New Hampshire, you know this. New Hampshire voters reset elections."
"The reset has started as of tonight," Bush said, as if he was speaking for them all. "And on next Tuesday, we're gonna surprise the world."
This report includes material from the Washington Post.